This experiment, and other experiments that target speech rhythm, produce a large number of files that need to be measured in a consistent manner. Although the script is not equipped to make automatic measurements of utterance and vowel boundaries, it is still able to automate a significant portion of the calculations in a consistent man- ner, thereby reducing the amount of human labor and human error. In particular, the script automatically calculates syllable duration based on vowel length, formants for each vowel, and the PVI for each utterance. The script works in conjunction with information from Praat and rewrites the information along with the output of each calculation into comma-separated value (CSV) files that can be read into other programs for further analysis.Read More
has heritage diagram
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Singapore is one of a number of different countries that have postcolonially adopted English as an official language and that continues to use English in a significant portion of its daily life. As such, English in Singapore, through constant use, has become its own linguistically distinct variety with a number of stabilized features that are different from Inner Circle varieties of English, such as Standard Southern British English (SSBE) or General American English (GA).
This paper will focus primarily on describing key features of Colloquial Singapore English (CSE), otherwise known as “Singlish”; I will also briefly touch upon the sociohistorical background of Singlish as well as the current social atmosphere surrounding the variety.Read More
English in Singapore, once seen as a neutral, foreign language with no connection to Singaporean identity, has been gradually transformed over the last two hundred years to become a nativized variety with its own unique lexicon and unique grammar. The origin of certain phonological pro- cesses unique to Singapore English is in particular difficult to trace and break down because of the influence of the multitude of other languages spoken in the area, as well as the interaction between these substrates, particularly as it was shaped through the school system. Further, Singapore English can be roughly broken down into Standard Singapore English (SSE)—an acrolectal form of Singapore English that is fairly similar to Received Pronunciation, with the exception of some phonological processes—and Colloquial Singapore English (CSE)—a mesolectal/basilectal form of Singapore English that can be unintelligible to those who speak other varieties of English.
Prior analyses of the phonology of Colloquial Singapore English (which will be the focus of this paper as well) have focused on providing documentation of the variety, in particular through rule- based formalisms. However, rule-based phonology has increasingly been disfavored in our current formal system of generative phonology. Instead, how can we represent phonological processes of CSE in an optimality theory (OT) framework, as opposed to a rule-based, purely descriptive framework? In particular, I will draw from a number of previously-attested OT constraints to describe three phonological phenomena in CSE: (1) vowel monophthongization, (2) de-syllabifying syllabic consonants, and (3) deletion of word-final obstruents. In this paper, I will be proposing a number of constraints that will be ranked accordingly in order to produce the desired outputs from our given inputs.Read More
En la época de Francisco Franco, el castellano fue declarado lengua oficial. Es decir, sólo el castellano podía representar a España: era el único idioma nacional. Para crear la ilusión de unidad nacional, las lenguas minoritarias que existían en esta época fueron reprimidas hasta la glotofagia —el genocidio lingüístico—. El régimen franquista quería que la gente que hablaba estas lenguas minoritarias las olvidara, que se borraran de la memoria colectiva. La represión franquista fue legalizada y reforzada por la actitud del gobierno, que insistía que esas lenguas no eran verdaderamente “lenguas” sino “dialectos” del castellano, o, en cuanto al euskara (que no tiene ninguna relación con la familia lingüística del castellano, el catalán y el gallego), que se trataba de un idioma completamente inferior al castellano. Quien hablaba estos idiomas era víctima de burlas. Después del régimen franquista, se reconoció estos tres idiomas como idiomas cooficiales, pero el daño que fue hecho se queda. Hoy en día, todavía hay protestas y movimientos a reconocer la validez de estos tres idiomas y subirlos al mismo nivel de poder en que se queda el castellano, pero los movimientos no tienen mucho éxito —el castellano es idioma dominante—. Las lenguas minoritarias todavía son marginadas, y hay demasiadas creencias malinformadas en el discurso sobre ellas. Respetar a la diversidad lingüística es parte importante de reconocer a la historia y la gente multicultural de España, que forman parte grande de la identidad nacional.Read More
Cameron notes in Working with Spoken Discourse that discourse analysts often privilege everyday conversations as being the most “natural”, thus marking structured conversation as being “unnatural” and therefore less valid (Cameron 20). The idea of the ordinary and the mundane being the more “natural” also takes hold in sociolinguistics, particularly in Labovian sociolinguistics, in which the vernacular is privileged in a similar way as being the most “natural” form of speech and the most valid for study. However, Cameron challenges this assumption, noting that “[a]ll talk is shaped by the context in which it is produced,” (Cameron 20), thus making all talk valid for study and analysis of the various factors that shape talk. Based on Cameron’s argument, I decided to analyze the discourse of classroom discussion and uncover the means by which turn-taking is negotiated, and the means by which students introduce information whose accuracy may be questioned into a discussion.Read More